Biden’s Muddled Messages on the Middle East

As war clouds are scudding, the president makes a U-turn but sends mixed messages.

Miriam Alster/pool via AP
President Biden during a meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu to discuss the war between Israel and Hamas, at Tel Aviv, October 18, 2023. Miriam Alster/pool via AP

Even as President Biden is doing a U-turn after weeks of berating Israel, the White House messaging is muddled enough for Iran to justify a highly-anticipated attack on Israel. Two American officials are telling CBS that as early as today Iran would strike with “more than 100 drones and dozens of missiles.” Israelis are on edge.  Our friends at Tel Aviv report that the usual Friday bustle there has turned into eerie silence tonight. 

Following Mr. Biden’s less-than-veiled threat he’d deny arms to Israel unless it capitulates in Gaza, he now says he is “devoted” to Israel’s defense, adding Iran “will not succeed.” Defense Secretary Austin reiterated that message to his Israeli counterpart, Yoav Gallant. Centcom’s commander, General Kurilla, is in Israel, coordinating action and sharing intelligence. An end to the “daylight” policy of distancing America from Israel is refreshing. 

Yet, what to make of an unidentified American official’s muddled line cited by the Saudi-owned Arabic-language Al Arabiya? America, he said, will be “part of the response to Iran if it escalates inappropriately in its response to the killing of its generals by Israel.” Inappropriately? Would America sit it out if the Mullahs attack Israel “appropriately”? Did he hint, as other officials indicated, that as long as no American targets are hit, all is ok?

Could Tehran then conclude that it’s “appropriate” to hit, say, an Israeli diplomatic post abroad? The Islamic Republic is feigning ire over the April 1 missile strikes at Damascus, which killed generals planning attacks on Israel, saying it violated the Vienna Convention’s ban on targeting diplomatic facilities. Never mind that the site in question is a military facility. The Vienna Convention, though? Coming from Iran, that is poor salesmanship. 

As it happens, an Argentine court just yesterday officially determined that Iran was behind the deadly bombing in 1992 of the Israeli embassy at Buenos Aires, as well as the even more deadly later attack on a Jewish community center there. Mr. Biden has yet to make clear that a phony interpretation of international law would justify no Iranian attack on any target, be it Israeli or American — and that we would strike back to any attack. 

America is reportedly moving military assets — including a “missile ship with advanced defense capabilities” — to the region. Yet past misreadings of the ways of the Mideast may hamper our ability to act. According to a London-based anti-regime website, Iran International, Qatar and Kuwait have “informed the U.S. that they cannot use their bases on their territories against Iran.” Both countries are considered “special non-NATO” American allies.  

Although Qatar is Hamas’s benefactor, Washington endlessly praises its emir, who now bans flights from its America’s largest air base in the region at Al-Udaid. If Kuwait forgot, it only exists as a country because America liberated it in 1991 following Saddam Hussein’s invasion. Who will remind Arab partners what Mr. Biden too often, and erroneously, reminds Israelis: they have much more to gain from the alliance than we do.

Washington’s Iran policy is another victim of Mr. Biden’s almost religious belief in the powers of appeasement. As war clouds scud, the Department of State just granted the wish of Iran’s foreign minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, to join a bash-Israel session at the United Nations next week. As Senator Fetterman said in reaction, “they are the world’s largest underwriter of terror. I can’t imagine why you would platform that.”

The State Department is begging the likes of Communist China to ask Iran to tone down any attack on Israel. Mr. Biden, instead of betting on his own diplomatic abilities, could return to his early “don’t” admonition to anyone attempting to widen the war. Mixed messages that followed that early, strong stance, have eroded America’s ability to shape events. A return to reality would be apt, as long as it is not further muddied with signs of weakness.


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