President Trump is right, in our estimation, to suggest that the Democrats’ decision to begin the impeachment process is born of their inability to defeat him on the issues. That’s certainly what it looks like. That doesn’t mean, however, that the Democrats’ strategy is without peril for the President. We learned that from their defeat of President Nixon. A lot can happen once an impeachment process is launched.

Nixon managed to win re-election even as the Watergate scandal unfolded. The break-in itself was in June 1972. By August 1, a PBS timeline reminds, the Washington Post reported that twenty-five grand that was supposed to be for Nixon’s campaign went to one of the burglars. Within a month of the election, the FBI had uncovered what PBS calls “a broader spying effort connected to Nixon’s campaign.”

Yet Nixon proceeded to win re-election by the third highest percentage of the popular vote in our recorded history (the popular vote tally before 1824 isn’t available). The break-in trial began in January 1973. It wasn’t until late April that the scandal reached the White House, the PBS timeline notes. The special prosecutor wasn’t appointed until May 18; he was fired on October 20. The Watergate hearings began in May 1974.

Mark how fast things now move. On July 24, the Supreme Court forced the White House to hand over the Nixon tapes to District Judge John J. “Maximum John” Sirica. The Judiciary Committee in the House voted out articles of impeachment — for obstruction of justice, abuse of power, and contempt of Congress — between July 27 and July 30. It wasn’t until August 5 that the “smoking gun” tape became public.

That tape recorded Nixon telling aides to order the halt of the Watergate investigation. By the end of the week, the Senate had collapsed. On August 7, two members of what would be the impeachment jury, Senators Barry Goldwater and Hugh Scott, broke protocol and went to the president and told him the Senate would convict. Two days later, Nixon abandoned his landslide victory and quit.

Now, Mr. Trump may not be in as perilous a spot as Nixon was. On the contrary and despite our advice, he did not fire his special prosecutor. The special prosecutor cleared him of collusion with the Russ camarilla and decided not to recommend charging him with obstruction. When the special prosecutor himself was called to testify, he collapsed. So far no Maximum John Sirica has emerged.

The angel of newspapering that flutters on our shoulder, though, warns against taking anything for granted. Witness Ukraine. The idea that Mr. Trump’s presidency was in peril over Ukraine was in the public discussion in only glancing ways until this month. It was only two weeks ago that Congress was alerted to the whistleblower complaint. It still isn’t public, nor is Mr. Trump’s phone call, though it may be tomorrow.

Mark, meantime, that the Democrats went to impeachment from a single leak in only two weeks, during which scant facts were disclosed. We wouldn’t suggest there are more surprises. Neither, though, would we suggest there won’t be. Meantime, we see nothing wrong with asking Ukraine to help get to the bottom of corrupt dealings, if any, by any Americans, even a Biden — lest Americans vote in the dark.