One thing provided by the autumn party conference of the ruling Conservatives in Britain is a glimpse of the emerging dream team. It pairs with the boisterous polemicist Boris Johnson the calm, impassioned Jacob Rees-Mogg, who delivered a Brexit “primer” that will set a kind of standard in the seasons ahead.

It illuminates why he is so popular among party activists. “BoJo,” famed journalist, former London mayor, and ex-foreign secretary, along with investment banker “The Mogg,” have the potential to become the next Thomas Jefferson and Albert Gallatin, Calvin Coolidge and Andrew Mellon. Theirs is a vision for Britain as an open, free-market, growing independent country, hewing to limited government and fiscal prudence, and leading its vast commonwealth loyalists in the liberal tradition.

“Making a success of Brexit” was the theme of this fringe gathering, to fulfil the promise of the 2016 referendum to leave the European Union that became, in Mr. Johnson words, Britain’s “Independence Day.” And for Mr. Rees-Mogg, “just the vote was itself a success.”

For him, it was a vote to leave Brussels and its fixation on regulations and tariffs, to cast off Remainers’ insidious progress toward “managing decline,” and to resurrect Margaret Thatcher’s faith that “a mature economy can revive and reform and succeed by its own efforts and endeavors.”

Mr. Rees-Mogg scoffs at the “People’s Vote,” the idea of a second referendum. He grasps that in reality it would be Brussels treating Britain as “a second-tier nation,” like those recalcitrant EU members that “get told by their bosses to vote again.” The Mogg is defiant: “The United Kingdom is not that sort of country.”

Likewise with the chimera of Chequers, the half-in/half-out withdrawal agreement Prime Minister Theresa May foisted on the government at her country retreat. Mr. Rees-Mogg quotes a quip making the conference rounds: Britain “out of Europe and run by Europe.” Don’t worry, he calms his audience. Conservative rank-and-file don’t like it, opposition parties won’t vote for it, nor will the EU accept it. “It is the deadest of dying ducks.”

The Mogg next turns cheery. “Don’t fear leaving on World Trade terms.” The £40 billion taxpayer hostage fee will not be forfeited to the EU ransom demand. “Not a brass farthing.”

Instead, immediate trade with the world becomes possible. No implementation period. No transition period. No 21 months of vassalage status. Removing tariffs on food, clothing, and footwear that hit the poorest hardest.

“Brexit will be a success because Brexit is a Conservative thing to be doing,” he says.

Why “conservative?”

“We individually know better how to run our own lives than the bureaucracy knows how to do it for us,” The Mogg asserts. “Empowering individuals against the over-mighty state.”

That kind of talk strikes a chord in every conservative heart. From where your correspondent sits, Nova Scotia, it looks as if President Trump taps into the same sentiment. For Brexit means more than a strategic goal of improving terms of trade. Leaving the EU means Britain taking control of borders once again. Not only on questions of security and assimilation, but also with respect to workforce requirements.

Britain can focus its immigration policy on entrepreneurship and innovation, while managing unskilled migrant numbers that depress opportunity and wage rises for Britain’s domestic workers.

“We have to control the movement of unskilled labor to help our fellow citizens who are the least well-off,” Mr. Rees-Mogg explains. “And this, to my mind, is a Disraelian type of conservatism.”

In America, the point is in contention. On the one hand, there are those, like President Trump, who favor an immigration policy that seeks to bring in, to favor skilled newcomers. On the other hand, there are the more radical, free-market types who seek to let individual employers and strivers decide whether they want to come to America. The limits they favor would focus on dangers associated with, say, war.

In any event, for Benjamin Disraeli, Britain’s monarch and aristocracy shared a bond with the underprivileged. A “great object of the Tory party,” he told a crowd at the Crystal Palace, “is the elevation of the condition of the people.”

The key distinction between the conservative record in Britain and contemporary social welfarism? The focus on “elevating” people, not “infantilizing” them. Warned “Dizzy”: “The great problem is to be able to achieve such results without violating those principles of economic truth upon which the prosperity of all States depends.”

Brexit is thus a boon to Britain’s scorecard. “Trade,” Samuel Johnson, in Boswell’s famed “Life” is quoted as saying, “gives men an opportunity of improving their situation.If there were no trade, many who are poor would always remain poor.”

Such spirit animates all Brexiteers, Mr. Jacob Rees-Mogg foremost among them. “Making a success of Brexit, to my mind is easy, as long as we hold our nerve,” he assured the Conservative fringe — Churchillian in the face of seemingly intractable adversity. Watch “The Mogg” again and tell me I’m wrong.