That Scotland will seek a second referendum on whether to secede from the United Kingdom seems certain given the result of the latest election. For Unionists, unfortunately, whether the Scots succeed in sundering the Union is an open question — especially since it would be Prime Minister Boris Johnson making the case for the Scots to remain bound by the Act of Union that in 1707 brought it together with England, Wales and, latterly, Northern Ireland.

Although the Scottish National Party fell one vote short of the necessary 66 seats to form a majority government, its leader, Nicola Sturgeon, is confident that, with the assistance of the eight members of the Green Party, there is sufficient support in the Holyrood, as the legislative assembly is known, in favor of independence to issue the call for a second referendum.

In the previous independence referendum in 2014, Scots voted 55% to remain within the Union. Then, Prime Minister David Cameron won the argument. Seven years on, though, Scotland is restive again, this time in reaction to Brexit. In the 2016 EU referendum, the Scottish vote to remain within the European Union stood at 66%. Brexiteers hasten to add, though, that, since the Leave campaign focussed its efforts in the South, no strong case was made in Scotland for the merits of Brexit.

It’s another of those “what ifs” of history. The Scottish elite nonetheless demand another referendum, this time with Mr. Johnson at the helm at Westminster. Mr. Johnson’s Tories (and Unionists) are without an obvious power base in the North. Scotland returned to the Parliament in London a delegation of 59 members of whom but six are Conservatives and only one is Labor.

So the Prime Minister would do well to heed Edmund Burke’s advice. “Nations are governed by the same methods, and on the same principles, by which an individual without authority is often able to govern those who are his equals or his superiors,” he wrote. That is, “by a knowledge of their temper, and by a judicious management of it.”

Few would praise BoJo for his “judicious management.” Even before he succeeded Theresa May at 10 Downing Street, Mr. Johnson assumed office with a lot of baggage, and all sorts of doubts about his reliability. His views of the EU were credible enough, though; the Editor of the Sun likes to point out that he and Mr. Johnson formed their similar opinions of the EU by the same method — covering it for a major newspaper.

Mr. Johnson, moreover, couldn’t possibly be worse than David Cameron and Theresa May, could he? There may have been more staunch Brexiteers on offer in the Conservative leadership race, but it was doubtful if they had the political nous to push Brexit through a minority Parliament. With his joie-de-vivre and infectious enthusiasm, BoJo seemed like the ideal leader to get Brexit done. As he did, despite the flaws of the final agreement. UK independence seemed to have nowhere to go but up.

Yet such is not the case in respect of Scottish secession. Unionists fear the United Kingdom has nowhere to go but down with Johnson on the file.

Can the Prime Minister play the patriot once more, this time persuading the Scots that their best interests lie within the United Kingdom? That rejoining the EU, rather than enhancing their Scottish pride, would be a grievous loss to their independence? That economic growth and cultural integrity will only be jeopardized by subservience to Brussels? And that hopes for a resurgent Scotland remain, as ever, in their historic Union with England and the rest of the Kingdom?

With the future of the United Kingdom at stake, is BoJo up to the challenge? It would be natural for the Scots to be sceptical of an English politician, making the case for Union. So it will be necessary that appeals to Scotland be non-partisan and come from all corners. No doubt Elizabeth II would entreat them to remain within the United Kingdom, save for the fact that the rules of impartiality require royal coyness.

My own worry is that if it is deemed ultra vires for Her Majesty to defend her Kingdom, the UK’s future is indeed questionable. Scotland and the Union hang in the balance, and it’s time for Mr. Johnson to study his Burke. “The temper of the people amongst whom he presides ought therefore to be the first study of a statesman,” he admonished, for “the knowledge of this temper it is by no means impossible for him to attain.”

Such political insight lies within Boris Johnson’s grasp, if only he can apply himself. That is, as Unionists fervently desire, if Boris “has not an interest in being ignorant of what it is his duty to learn.”

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