Waiting For Bolton

This article is from the archive of The New York Sun before the launch of its new website in 2022. The Sun has neither altered nor updated such articles but will seek to correct any errors, mis-categorizations or other problems introduced during transfer.

The New York Sun

The longer John Bolton is away, the longer the Turtle Bay mice will play. The time has come for Congress to allow President Bush to send an American ambassador he trusts to the United Nations.


In the absence of a permanent ambassador, issues at the top of the American foreign-policy agenda have been put on hold. The United Nations, too, is suffering from the slowdown in significant American action at Turtle Bay.


Without an ambassador with influence in Washington and the president’s ear, it is hard to jump-start much needed action at the United Nations. And let there be no mistake: For Sudan, Iran, North Korea, and the U.N. bureaucracy itself, timely action is needed.


Someone, for example, should decide whether Washington will continue its support of the beleaguered Secretary-General Annan. There are indications that if Mr. Bolton’s nomination fails, the Bush administration will immediately step back from Mr. Annan.


On the U.N. Security Council, China, which has oil interests in Sudan, has promised to shield Khartoum from any significant outside intervention. Arab and Muslim countries have joined in, as at times have France and Russia. Instead of supporting Washington, the Europeans and Mr. Annan put the Bush administration on the defensive by pushing ahead a topic – where Sudanese war criminals ought to be tried – that logically should be the last stage of intervention in genocide. Not the first.


Yet, quietly, Washington acquiesced in late March and allowed the International Criminal Court, which the Bush administration despises, to gain stature by becoming the trial venue for Darfur war criminals. Since then, the Security Council has rested on its laurels, confusing one American compromise for decisive action.


International sanctions on Khartoum if the carnage goes on, imposition of a no-fly zone, the presence in Darfur of African troops with a mandate to protect civilians and allow them to return to their villages – all of these necessary measures have been shelved, anticipating American leadership.


Meanwhile, Iran plays the world like a Stradivarius. Last week, after Tehran ratcheted up its nuclear rhetoric, even top E.U. negotiators were exasperated. One morning, Germany’s foreign minister, Joschka Fischer, let on to German reporters that, along with London and Paris, Berlin might give up on negotiation and send Iran to the Security Council, where sanctions could be imposed. In the afternoon, after meeting with his Iranian colleague, Kamal Kharrazi, Mr. Fischer refused to repeat publicly his implied threat.


It is probable that Mr. Kharrazi told Mr. Fischer what he told the Washington Post’s Dafna Linzer: Tehran’s belligerent rhetoric is meant merely for internal political consumption and, therefore, should not be taken at face value. Iran has been pushing the envelope for months, challenging and retreating as European negotiators refuse to admit the futility of the talks.


Thousands die during every week there is no action on the Darfur genocide. Every time Iran extends its dishonest diplomatic dealing with Europe, it gets closer to becoming a nuclear power. Pyongyang, too, assumes that Washington is asleep at the wheel.


American opposition to Mohamed el-Baradei’s bid for a third term as head of the world’s nuclear watchdog is laughable, because Washington is not ready to offer any alternative to the Egyptian veteran. Several key nominations at the United Nations have stalled because there is no American candidate. Many in Washington believe that real U.N. reform depends on placing more Americans at mid-level Turtle Bay positions. Where are the candidates?


Most significantly, Washington hinted recently that its support for Mr. Annan may not last forever. Mr. Annan’s position has worsened now that congressional investigators have made him their top priority. Whether or not Mr. Annan loses his Washington backing, an American-supported candidate to head the United Nations might be needed much faster than previously thought.


Even if Mr. Bolton’s proves as tough as advertised, it is hard to imagine that he will solve all these outstanding issues a day after arriving at Turtle Bay. He can, however, use his Washington clout and the president’s trust to get them higher on the Bush administration’s agenda.


Those who profess to believe in the United Nations’ mission should ask themselves how long American diplomacy there can be left to a caretaker. At what point do Mr. Bolton’s detractors’ insistence on uncovering yet another alleged temper tantrum begin to hurt the very institution they want to save?


The New York Sun

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