ALBANY – Those lobbying state government for public contracts, on Indian gaming contracts, and to secure or block executive orders would have to publicly report their activities and spending under terms of legislation agreed to yesterday by state leaders.

“It is very tough, and the objective is openness and reporting any activity that takes place,” Joseph Bruno, the Republican Senate majority leader, said. “If there are violations, it increases penalties substantially.”

The agreement was among several announced yesterday including a measure that will no longer allow state officials to escape sanctions resulting from an ethics investigation by resigning.

The lobbying measure is sponsored in the Democratic-controlled state Assembly by Speaker Sheldon Silver of Manhattan. Governor Pataki has also called for a measure to make procurement lobbying more accountable and required some record keeping of lobbying for contracts under an executive order.

“This has been a priority of mine for some time,” Mr. Pataki said. “We have toughened the lobbying law … [to] eliminate the ability of a lobbyist to contact people in an agency or in the executive office to seek assistance in awarding of contracts.”

“I’m calling this Alfonse’s Law,” said Democratic Assemblyman Richard Brodsky, who has investigated high priced “influence-peddling” lobbying for state contracts through his authorities committee.

Mr. Brodsky referred to an incident that came out in one of his public hearings two years ago. Alfonse D’Amato, the former U.S. Senator and a Pataki mentor, had been paid $500,000 for getting the Metropolitan Transportation Authority to move a stalled contract. The Pataki-controlled MTA runs the mass transit system in New York City and its suburbs. Under current state law, Mr. D’Amato was not required to report that lobbying payment.

In another case Mr. Brodsky investigated, the Thruway Authority and its Canal Corp. awarded a residential development contract in 2003 for the state’s 500-mile canal system to a single politically connected businessman for $30,000. The state comptroller rescinded the contract, and the workers were fired.

“The bill,” Mr. Silver said, “will make billions of taxpayer dollars spent on government contracts subject to more accountability, greater scrutiny and will, in the long run, go a long way to restoring the public’s confidence in our state government.”

Currently, only lobbying on legislation must be reported to the state Lobbying Commission.

Under the legislation, expected to be approved before the Legislature ends its session later this week, lobbyists seeking state contracts would be barred from plying their trade once the contract-letting process officially begins.

Two loopholes are allowed under the new measure: State officials can tip off a contractor that the state will soon advertise for bids, and lawmakers will be able to lobby commissioners and other top administration officials on behalf of lobbyists and their clients.

However, “this legislation largely addresses the biggest problems,” said Blair Horner of the New York Public Interest Research Group. “It’s been a long time coming. It’s too bad it took a rap sheet length series of scandals to get it done.”

“There are still myriad ways the system can be subverted,” Eliot Spitzer, the state attorney general, said. “But most come after the [request for bids] has been issued, and this is an important first step.” Mr. Spitzer, one of the first proponents of action on procurement lobbying, is the leading Democratic candidate for governor in 2006.

Initial violations of the legislation’s provisions could bring a fine of up to $10,000. A second violation within four years would lead to a ban from any procurement lobbying for four years. Any violation of the ban on lobbying during the final contract process could lead to a fine of up to $50,000, plus the amount of any compensation received by the lobbyist.

More than 20 states already require disclosure of money spent on contract lobbying, Mr. Horner said.