Rx: Democracy

This article is from the archive of The New York Sun before the launch of its new website in 2022. The Sun has neither altered nor updated such articles but will seek to correct any errors, mis-categorizations or other problems introduced during transfer.

The New York Sun

I’ve just returned from a trip to Russia that left me deeply concerned and troubled. Although he sometimes speaks the language of freedom, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, has lost nearly all of his democratic credentials. While his nation still holds elections, Mr. Putin has limited free expression, clamped down on private non-governmental organizations, reduced the number of political parties, and manipulated the judiciary. Many I spoke with told me that they believe Mr. Putin will change the Russian constitution to allow himself to run for a third term as president. Not surprisingly, the independent international democracy watchdog Freedom House has demoted Russia’s ranking from “partly free” to “not free,” placing it in the company of countries like Cuba and Iran.


Even worse, Mr. Putin’s government has shown anti-democratic tendencies in its dealings with the Newly Independent States that used to belong to the Soviet Union. There, Mr. Putin’s government has tried to interfere with a democratic revolution in Ukraine while supporting a brutal regime in Belarus. Russia has also manipulated energy prices and trade rules in an effort to control its former imperial possessions. Finally, Mr. Putin’s government has kept troops in both Georgia and Moldova against the wishes of those nation’s governments.


This year, however, will present a golden opportunity for Russia to turn over a new leaf in both domestic and foreign affairs. For the first time since 1998 when Russia became a full member of the group of leading developed nations, it will serve as the G-8’s chair. If Mr. Putin wants to regain the trust and support of the world’s leading democracies, he should use July’s G-8 meeting in St. Petersburg to announce a comprehensive program to affirm Russia’s commitment to policies that support freedom both within Russia and around the world.


In particular, Mr. Putin should announce he will allow an independent mass media within Russia, encourage genuine pluralistic politics, allow non-governmental organizations to operate freely, and make clear his support for democracy in the Newly Independent States.


If he does not do these things, the remaining seven members of the G-8, along with the European Union, should begin a vigorous program to engage Russia on these issues. Working together, we should increase funding for organizations within Russia that support democracy, human rights, judicial reform, and the growth of a civil society. Ultimately, however, some reform efforts must also come from within Russia. Only the Russian private sector can create a robust middle class that will eventually become the basis of a stable Russian democracy.


Efforts to improve Russia’s behavior won’t prove successful, however, unless we keep it at the negotiating table. Thus, while I sympathize with their goals, I disagree with those who believe we should exclude Russia from future G-8 meetings. At the same time, we shouldn’t reward Russia’s current behavior by asking the World Trade Organization or any other international body to bend its rules for the sake of Russia.


The Cold War has ended and the United States and Russia are no longer enemies. In the coming years, Russia will need to play an important role if we hope to end Iran’s nuclear ambitions, halt the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, win the war on terror, and advance peace around the world. The United States must do everything in its power to convince Russia’s leadership to move in the right direction. We need to work with our allies to develop a firm program of engagement that will give the Russian people the free and democratic nation they deserve.



Dr. Frist, a Republican senator from Tennessee, is the U.S. Senate Majority Leader.


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