President Trump mingled confidence with criticism when he met his “great friend,” Narendra Modi, prime minister of India, for the first time since receiving him at the White House in June 2017. No sooner had Mr. Trump talked about forming a “framework to strengthen ties” with Mr. Modi by “increasing sales to India to many millions of dollars” than he was scolding the premier for tariffs of “30, 40, 60, 70 percent in some cases” on imports from America.

Only a few hours earlier the president had ordered what he called his “fair and reciprocal plan” to restore “fairness in U.S. trade relationships and countering non-reciprocal trading arrangements.” The plan, the White House said, would “correct longstanding imbalances in international trade and ensure fairness across the board.”

With Mr. Modi as guest at the White House, India made an easy target. The average American tariff on most agricultural products is 5 percent, the White House said, but “India’s average” is 39 percent. Another example: India’s tariff on American motorcycles is 100 percent, compared with 2.4 percent on motorcycles entering American markets from India.

Not that India is the worst offender: The American deficit with India ranks 10th among American trade partners, $35 billion last year, a fraction of China’s $295 billion. Mr. Modi’s visit to the White House, though, provided the perfect chance for Mr. Trump to justify “reciprocal tariffs” on a wide range of countries. “We want a level playing field,” he said as Mr. Modi listened politely. 

The president did not need to repeat the explanation offered earlier, in which the White House said the country would “no longer tolerate being ripped off.” It was as though Mr. Modi’s visit, the fourth foreign leader to call on the president since his inauguration, had been timed deliberately for the day on which he would announce his tariff plan.

“We can make up the deficit with the sale of oil and gas and LPG,” Mr. Trump said.  American nuclear technology should also contribute to closing the trade gap. “It will bring tens of millions of dollars.” India, he noted, “welcomes U.S. nuclear technology. We will make tremendous amounts of electricity available.”

Mr. Trump said he was sure that he could count on his guest, unlike some foreign leaders, for reaffirmation of American-Indian friendship and endorsement of his plea for “reciprocal trade that will finally correct the imbalance.”

On cue, Mr. Modi struck the right chords in his first few lines. Playing on Mr. Trump’s slogan, “Make America Great Again,” he predicted “a mega partnership for both countries.” Mr. Trump “has been instrumental in strengthening U.S.-India ties,” he said. “We the people of India with a firm resolve” will “make India great again.”

Just as Mr. Trump ran through the pluses and minuses of the American-Indian relationship, so Mr. Modi touched on just about everything his host might desire. “We will focus on trade in oil and gas,” he said, along with “investment in energy and infrastructure” and “cooperation on small nuclear energy reactors.”

Regional security, particularly against China, was also a priority — perhaps an overriding consideration. In that spirit, Mr. Trump promised, “We will soon be selling F35s,” the most advanced, versatile American fighter plane in the American inventory. The mainstay of the Indian air force has long been Russian MiGs.

The sale of the F35 to India is by no means a done deal, but that it’s on the table and mentioned by Mr. Trump signifies the tightening bond between India and America in defending the security of the region.

“We will work together to enhance security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific,” Mr. Modi said, meaning the broad expanse from the South Pacific to the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. India eschews military alliances while focusing on historic foes — Pakistan to the west and northwest and China above its Himalayan northern border — but it holds down the western end of “the Quad” that also includes America, Australia, and Japan in a non-military relationship.