Support Democratic Reforms

This article is from the archive of The New York Sun before the launch of its new website in 2022. The Sun has neither altered nor updated such articles but will seek to correct any errors, mis-categorizations or other problems introduced during transfer.

The New York Sun

Don’t be surprised if the Dalai Lama, who is touring Washington, will be invited to visit China in the near future. Beijing, under President Hu Jintao’s leadership, has surprised many this year with a more sophisticated approach of dealing with what it considers as “domestic problems” – Taiwan and Hong Kong. The Tibetan leader may become the next target. But then, don’t expect Tibet shall be set free soon either.


After the mishap of passing the “Anti-Secession Law” aimed at Taiwan last March which caused the European Union to reserve its decision to lift the arms embargo, Beijing immediately tried to recoup the unexpected loss by launching an unthinkable offensive: issuing visas to opposition party leaders from Taiwan.


It started with an April visit by Lian Chan, then chairman of the Kuomintang, arch-rival with the Chinese Communist Party for decades. He was soon followed by James Soong who served as a long-time senior KMT official before forming his People First Party. President Chen Shui-bian has yet to totally recover from this CCP-KMT joint attack.


Beijing also showed its new style in Hong Kong. Last March Beijing surprised all by using its unmistakable iron fist to sack Tung Cheehwa, the embattled chief executive since the 1997 handover. The move was unprecedented in two ways. First, removing someone anointed by China itself implied having made a mistake, a rare act in Chinese politics. Second, picking Sir Donald Tsang, a knighted senior civil servant from British colonial Hong Kong as the successor signified Beijing’s willingness to swallow its pride and opt for pragmatic solutions.


Mr. Tsang, chosen to serve out the remaining two years of Mr. Tung’s second 5-year term, no doubt wants to impress Beijing well enough so that he would stay on for another term. And judging from his debut actions, Mr. Tsang should be pleasing Hong Kong’s northern masters.


Mr. Tsang led the local legislature for a two-day trip to the neighboring Guangdong province in September. The 60-seat Legislative Council consists of a dozen or so members who have been branded as “subversive” and barred from entering mainland China ever since they denounced the Tiananmen Massacre 16 years ago. They had an exchange with a member of the Politburo over taboo topics like the crackdown and democracy.


The visit, as well as including a pro-democracy figure in his expanded cabinet, earned Mr. Tsang high marks in opinion polls. Hong Kong people in general appreciated a more tolerant Beijing and a more politically savvy Chief Executive.


During a recent trip to Washington, Mr. Tsang went further to hit many right buttons with the American audience. He said publicly “Personally, I support universal suffrage for Hong Kong as early as possible. I make no bones about that.”


But don’t be fooled by these apparently robust trees into thinking that the whole forest is green. Look at the larger picture and one would find Beijing, despite displaying a more flexible face with Taiwan and Hong Kong, indeed has not changed the nature of its governance: control.


In the Taiwan Straits, China has not slowed down its missile buildup aimed at the island democracy. Beijing still refuses to talk directly with President Chen, elected by the Taiwanese people, unless he accepts the so-called “One China Principle” first – a Chinese way to get the intended result before any negotiation begins. And the “Anti-Secession Law” which authorizes the People’s Liberation Army to “liberate” the renegade province under arbitrary circumstances, is now law of the mainland.


In Hong Kong, the political reform package rolled out by the Tsang administration tempted to make the next election of the chief executive 100% more democratic than before. Among the 7 million people in Hong Kong, 1,600, instead of the original 800 prominent citizens would be eligible to vote. A giant step forward indeed!


Last year, Beijing called a halt to a rising demand for universal suffrage by vetoing the plan to hold real elections for the chief executive in 2007 and for the legislature in 2008, the earliest possible time stipulated in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution.


President Bush shall have a chance to help Hong Kong next weekend when he visits China. He can tell his hosts what the State Department stated recently: “The U.S. supports democratic reforms in Hong Kong. The U.S. believes the goal of universal suffrage could have been achieved for the next round of chief executive and legislative council elections in 2007 and 2008.”


For a president who has demonstrated great courage and insight in spreading democracy in the Middle East, what else could Mr. Bush tell the Chinese communists about Hong Kong – the only enclave of freedom under their control?



Mr. Liu is a Washington-based columnist of Hong Kong’s Apple Daily.


The New York Sun

© 2025 The New York Sun Company, LLC. All rights reserved.

Use of this site constitutes acceptance of our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. The material on this site is protected by copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, cached or otherwise used.

The New York Sun

Sign in or  Create a free account

or
By continuing you agree to our Privacy Policy and Terms of Use