Russians, Ukrainians Use Myriad Methods To Demonstrate Disgust With the War

A remarkable story of nonviolent resistance to tyranny transpired in the northern Ukrainian town of Slavutych.

Destroyed Russian armored vehicles at the outskirts of Kiev March 31, 2022. AP/Rodrigo Abd

Russian-Style Fragging

In a goalpost-shifting gambit that would make George Orwell’s Winston Smith blink in wide-eyed astonishment, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced that its initial military objectives in Ukraine have now been achieved. 

If true, one factor in this change of pace by Vladimir Putin must be increasing reports of the Russian army’s ongoing collapse. In a speech at the Australian National University, the chief of Britain’s signal intelligence agency, Sir Jeremy Fleming, spoke of Russian soldiers as “refusing to carry out orders, sabotaging their own equipment, and even accidentally shooting down their own aircraft.”

Desertion, indiscipline, and an unwillingness to advance against enemy fire are all symptoms of poor military morale. One Russian tank driver took matters to a whole new level: The New York Post said he deliberately ran over his brigade commander in protest at the heavy casualties his unit suffered in Ukraine.

The article cited Ukrainian reports that the Russian soldier put his tank into gear as Colonel Yuri Medvedev of the 37th Motor Rifle Brigade walked in front of it. Photographs showed Colonel Medvedev being evacuated to a hospital, where he later died.

Putin’s Poison Pill

The London Times reports that Russian troops stationed around the Chernobyl nuclear disaster site are now suffering from serious radiation sickness. According to Ukraine’s state nuclear agency, Energoatom, Russian soldiers received substantial doses of radiation after digging trenches in the so-called Red Forest. 

This is a toxic area surrounding the defunct reactor that was so named when pine trees turned reddish in the wake of the 1986 meltdown described as the “world’s worst nuclear accident.”

All’s Not Quiet on the Home Front

The chief foreign affairs correspondent at the Wall Street Journal, Yaroslav Trofimov, cited a report in a pro-Kremlin tabloid that the Russian military has suffered 9,861 KIA and 16,153 wounded since invading Ukraine. The truly remarkable detail, he wrote, is that someone from within the Russian inner circle saw fit to disclose what seemed a genuine casualty figure.

This leak of highly sensitive information is just one among many signs of fermenting dissent among Russia’s elite. Much has been made of the defection by a Putin confidant, Anatoly Chubais, who was last seen at an ATM in Turkey. His is not the only example of attrition at the highest echelons of Mr. Putin’s regime.

After voicing public criticism of the war, a former deputy prime minister, Arkady Dvorkovich stepped down (translation: was fired) as head of the Skolkovo Foundation, a technology hub designed to foster a Silicon Valley vibe on the outskirts of Moscow.

Two high-profile television news anchors, Lilia Gildeyeva and Zhanna Agalakova, quit their jobs at Russian state-owned broadcast networks and made a run for the border … literally.

Then there was the bizarre 12-day disappearance of Russia’s minister of defense and the chief of the general staff during a major shooting war in Ukraine. The Muscovite tradition of penalizing military failure with a bullet or a gulag prison cell caused some Russia-watchers to speculate whether Mr. Putin might have gone full Stalin in his growing desperation, but the sudden reemergence into public view of Generals Sergei Shoigu and Valery Gerasimov dampened such “Darkness at Noon” speculation.

Power to the People

A remarkable story of nonviolent resistance to tyranny transpired in the northern Ukrainian town of Slavutych, where the civilian population pressured Russian occupation forces to retreat through a display of sheer moral courage.

Despite its proximity to the Belorussian border, Russian forces invaded Slavutych only on March 26, when they seized the local hospital and arrested Mayor Yuri Fomichev. The town’s population responded by massing in the streets around the hospital, waving Ukrainian flags, and chanting “go home” at their Russian occupiers. Russian soldiers attempted to disperse the crowd by throwing stun grenades and firing live ammunition into the air. To no avail.

From captivity, Mr. Fomichev negotiated an agreement by which Russian troops would depart in return for a guarantee that the town would remain demilitarized.

“They will drive around for a bit, but they must leave in the afternoon,” said Mr. Fomichev in a speech to Slavutych residents after his release. “We do not possess what their military does … guns, machine guns, mortars, missiles, or tanks. We only have our own hands, heads. and hearts. That’s our most important possession.”


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