LONDON — Welcome to the new Islamic Republic of Hamas-stan, where every Palestinian Arab woman is obliged to wear the veil and all traces of corrupting Western influences, from pop music to Internet cafes, are strictly banned.

The creation of a mini Islamic state in Gaza now appears the most likely outcome as the militant Palestinian Arab group Hamas undertakes a coup d’etat against the more secular-minded government of President Abbas. And with fighters loyal to Mr. Abbas’s Fatah movement either surrendering or fleeing, it seems that not even the might of Israel can prevent Hamas from fulfilling its long-held ambition of establishing an Islamic state within the Palestinian Arab territories.

The Gaza Strip, the 20-mile stretch of desert scrub wedged between Israel and the Sinai Desert, has never been a happy place. The majority of the 1.4 million Palestinian Arabs who live there are mainly refugees from Israel’s 1948 war of independence and have rarely seen their living standards rise above subsistence level. But the addition of religious fanaticism to economic privation has severely worsened their plight.

Even before this week’s violence, Hamas activists had been busy attacking cafes, video shops, and restaurants that serve alcohol or sell what are regarded as subversive Western films.

An Internet cafe at the Jabaliyah refugee camp was bombed because Hamas zealots believed its customers might be exposed to pornography or pop music. The desire to enforce a strict interpretation of Islamic law even resulted in a gunman attacking a U.N. primary school because it allowed young boys and girls to mix together in the playground.

And all this with Prime Minister Haniyeh, who came to power on the back of Hamas’s surprise election victory in the 2006 elections, yet to establish his de facto Islamic state. Even if Gaza remains under Mr. Abbas’s nominal control, the implications of it becoming a self-contained Islamic entity are alarming not just for Israel, but for the wider region. Hamas makes no secret of the fact that it now receives most of its financial and military support from Iran. The Iranian government signed a memorandum of understanding with the Hamas leadership in June last year, in which it agreed to fund the militant group to the tune of about $800 million. Until then, most of the Palestinian Authority’s funding came from the European Union and America, but this dried up when Hamas came to power and refused to give up its longstanding policy of seeking Israel’s destruction and renounce its terrorist past.

In addition to financial support, Iran provides training to members of the military wing of Hamas by sending them to camps in Lebanon and Iran run by the elite Quds Force of the Revolutionary Guards.

Past Iranian attempts to supply the Palestinian Arabs with military hardware have been less successful, with the Israeli navy intercepting a ship laden with explosives destined for Gaza in early 2002. But earlier this year, the Iranians sought to establish new supply lines to Gaza. On February 24, Khaled Mashaal, Hamas’s supreme leader, traveled to the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, where he met senior Quds Force officials and Sudanese politicians who are broadly sympathetic to Hamas’s political objectives.

The main topic of conversation was setting up a supply route that would enable Iran to smuggle rocket-propelled grenades, antitank missiles, guns and explosives through the porous border between Gaza and Egypt. The dispute over tightening the border is now one of the issues at the heart of the current violence; Hamas refuses to countenance the deployment of an international force that would seriously curtail the activities of the arms and money smugglers who use a sophisticated network of tunnels to transport their contraband into Gaza.

Pro-Palestinian Arab campaigners frequently claim that the main reason Gaza is in crisis is that the economic blockade imposed by America and Israel following Hamas’s election victory has reduced the civilian population to penury. This was the essence of the argument advanced by Alvaro de Soto, until recently the UN’s special coordinator for the Middle East, who seems happy to blame anyone for the Palestinian Arabs’ plight except the Palestinian Arabs themselves.

Ordinary Palestinian Arabs, it is true, in both Gaza and the West Bank, are suffering hardship. But this is not because of a lack of funds entering the Palestinian Arab territories: It is because successive Palestinian Arab administrations have made no effort to distribute the resources available equably among the population. Hamas, on the other hand, sees economic deprivation as a form of political oppression. The World Bank reported that donors contributed about $750 million to the Palestinian Arab territories in 2006, twice the amount they received in 2005. But since taking power, Hamas ensures any funds are spent on Islamic causes and its 6,000-strong militia, leaving the majority to fend for themselves.

The bonus for Hamas is that, by forcing the majority of Palestinian Arabs to exist in dire poverty, it succeeds in attracting widespread sympathy from international dogooders who do not understand the sadistic economic manipulation that is taking place. Not surprisingly, many Palestinian Arabs who were previously agnostic about their Muslim heritage have found themselves embracing the Hamas cause, more out of economic necessity than religious obligation.

Hezbollah — another Iranianfunded militia — used similar tactics to establish its power base in southern Lebanon during the 1980s. Hezbollah, of course, has now become a dominant force in Lebanese politics.

Hamas is trying to replicate Hezbollah’s success in Gaza, not a pleasing prospect for Israel, which now faces the threat of having two Iranian-backed, Islamic fundamentalist organizations dedicated to its destruction camped on its northern and southern borders. It is not a thought that will help Israelis sleep easy.