German Chancellor Due in Washington Today Amid Doubts Over His Stand on Ukraine

Chancellor Scholz, who is from the center-left Social Democrats, will seek to convince President Biden that Germany is still a dependable ally.

Chancellor Scholz. Michael Kappeler/AP.

BERLIN — The arrival of the new German chancellor, Olaf Scholz, in Washington today will be watched for signs of how firmly the North Atlantic alliance will stand together in the face of Russian threats. 

It comes after Berlin’s recent refusal to send lethal aid to Ukraine — and blocking other NATO Allies from doing so. Herr Scholz, who is from the center-left Social Democrats, will seek to convince President Biden that Germany is still a dependable ally.

The White House issued last month a terse statement to the effect that this week’s meeting will provide an opportunity for both countries to affirm their “deep and enduring ties” and to discuss their “shared commitment to… deter further Russian aggression against Ukraine.”

The backdrop to Herr Scholz’s visit is the mounting Russian military buildup along Ukraine’s borders, an escalation that is ratcheting up tension on the beleaguered Eastern European democracy.

Although Ukraine has enjoyed an influx of weaponry, military advisors, and other equipment from its European neighbors in recent weeks, Berlin has been conspicuously absent from the high-profile outpouring of support.

Late last month, Germany blocked an Estonian request to ship Cold War-era howitzers to Ukraine, citing German weapon export controls banning weapon shipment to conflict zones.

Though the pieces were once part of East German armories, West Germany absorbed the Soviet-made artillery pieces after German reunification and donated them to Finland. Helsinki ultimately gave them to Estonia.

When questioned about Germany’s block on the export of the weapons in light of what appears to be an imminent Russian invasion, Germany’s new foreign minister, Annalena Baerbock, a Green, cited Germany’s “historical responsibilities,” emphasizing Germany would support Ukraine via other, non-lethal measures.

Rather than sending lethal aid to Ukraine, the Ministry of Defense opted to deliver 5,000 helmets and promised to finance half the cost of a field hospital. The announcement left Ukrainians reeling.

Ukraine’s ambassador to Germany, Andrij Melnyk, did little to mask his disgust. Germany’s responsibility should lie instead with Ukrainians, he said, “who lost at least 8 million lives during the Nazi occupation of Ukraine.”

The decision also drew the ire of Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko, a heavyweight boxing champion. “What does Germany want to send in support next,” Klitschko quipped during a German-language television broadcast, “pillows?”

German aid fell far short of Ukraine’s request for ballistic vests and 100,000 helmets. In stark contrast to West Germany’s high preparedness during the Cold War, the Bundeswehr today is a mere shadow of its Cold War-era strength — one German monthly used the word “empty” to describe Bundeswehr depots.

Moreover, German soldiers practice “dynamic availability management,” a technique that rotates protective equipment throughout the force, prioritizes those going on deployment, and belies German strength.

If current procurement schedules are kept, each German soldier would receive his or her own set of personal protective equipment by 2031. German soldiers need helmets and ballistic vests almost as urgently as Ukrainian troops.

Export controls and the Bundeswehr’s equipment shortage notwithstanding, German defense firms booked an exceptional year of exports and profits into ledgers last year.

According to the German economic ministry statistics, weapon exports in 2021 passed the 9-billion-euro mark, an all-time high, thanks to several last-minute deals for warships and missiles inked by Chancellor Merkel’s outgoing government.

Herr Scholz’s messaging on economic issues hamstrings Europe’s united front against Russian revanchism, exasperated allies maintain, infuriated by what they see as the chancellor’s struthious attitude toward the crisis.

The chancellor asserted his desire that the continent’s most pressing economic issue, the controversial Russian gas pipeline Nord Stream 2, should be “apolitical” and not intertwined with geopolitics.

Further complicating the issue, Gerhard Schröder, Germany’s Social Democrat chancellor between 1998 and 2005, will likely join the board of directors at Gazprom, the Russian state-owned gas conglomerate behind the Nord Stream 2 project.

Herr Schröder currently serves as chairman of Nord Stream 2’s shareholder committee and has come under fire for his vocal defense of President Putin, whom Herr Schröder counts as a close friend.

Ukrainian requests for weapons and support from Europe were nothing more than “saber-rattling,” Herr Schröder maintains, accusing Kyiv of stoking tensions.

Faced with sagging approval ratings — the latest numbers at about 43 percent — and a foreign policy out of step with the rest of Europe, Chancellor Scholz will be eager to affirm his country’s dependability on European security.

Though Germany proudly touts its commitments to the values of freedom, democracy, and human rights, the betting in Berlin is that the famously vague and evasive new chancellor will have to change course significantly to bridge Germany’s perceived credibility gap.


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