Marco Rubio and the Question of ’28

It may be too soon to make endorsements for president in 2028 but it’s not too soon, at least for us, to say that we’d love to see Secretary of State Rubio jump into the race. More than any other figure in the Trump camarilla, he has sought — successfully — to articulate a coherent strategy for the administration’s foreign policy. If he can do that more broadly in respect of the other issues in the campaign, he would stand to look like the kind of president America needs.Rumors have swirled around Mr. Rubio in the wake of the Republicans’ losses in the midterm elections. Bloomberg touted a report that the secretary of state and national security adviser — the first since Henry Kissinger to hold both roles — was contemplating resignation. Mr. Rubio refuted that dispatch, telling the New York Times that reports of his resignation were much exaggerated. He professes to “love the work” he’s doing.Mr. Rubio also told the Times that “I literally will not talk about 2028 anymore. I just won’t do it.” In May, the Floridian told NBC News that he would be the “first person to sign up and support” a presidential run by Vice President Vance. The prospect of such a campaign, though, grows more unappealing by the day. The vice president, a friend to Tucker Carlson, mused after the election that American support for Israel contributed to the wipeout.Mr. Rubio has caught our attention in, among other moments, a quartet of addresses that have articulated America’s position with uncommon force. At the Munich Security Conference he declared that “we will always be a child of Europe” — the continent of “Mozart and Beethoven, of Dante and Shakespeare” — while also lamenting a “broken status quo” and calling for alliances that would “restore to us a clearer sense of ourselves.”America’s top diplomat sounded another verse in what we called his “song of sovereignty” when he called for dismantling the International Criminal Court on account of its “waging a war against our country, not with bullets or missiles,” but with “the force of so-called international law.” In July he followed his broadside against that kangaroo court with a warning about the rise of leftist terrorism, calling it a “revolt of the worst against the best.”Most spectacular were remarks Mr. Rubio delivered at Athens. He declared that the “history of America, the history of my country, is covered with the fingerprints of antiquity.” He cited an inheritance that was “born in Athens, formed by Rome, baptized in Christendom, hardened in the furnace of medieval Europe, endowed with the English genius for liberty, and then carried across the Atlantic to be reborn on the shores of a new world.” One reason for Republican failures this midterm was, we reckon, a failure to point Americans to the such vistas as Mr. Rubio has, as our top diplomat, repeatedly evoked. That is hardly to say that America’s actions have during his tenure always been consistent with those ideals — as in, say, Ukraine. His ability to limn those horizons, though, marks him as someone to watch — and listen to — if and whenever he decides whether to run.

Marco Rubio and the Question of ’28

Marco Rubio and the Question of ’28

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